ARTIVIST : propagande par le fait/ update/ Guilty of ART!// / by JoFF Rae

ARTIVIST : creative is developing a model creative development & ethic...

propagande par le fait - or propaganda of the deed...  

The basic concept is from the Italian revolutionary Carlo Pisacane (1818–1857), who wrote in his "Political Testament" (1857) that "ideas spring from deeds and not the other way around." Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876), in his "Letters to a Frenchman on the Present Crisis" (1870) stated that "we must spread our principles, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, and the most irresistible form of propaganda."

"All the war-propaganda, all the screaming and lies and hatred, comes invariably from people who are not fighting." George Orwell

ARTIVIST : creative is exerting the precepts of action to develop strategy & practical  requirements of production in performance, design, exhibition or installation - striving to achieve an outcome that effectively & artistically conveys the required message, cause & effect...

The actions involved may involve humour, guerrilla media, hacktivist & artivist methods that are subtle or covert or more likely clandestine, as opposed to the immediate thoughts of violence or destructive incitement of the masses.

The decision to explore the concept has been inspired by many conversations & events involving Andrew Penman of Salmonella Dub where the phrase "actions speak louder than words" became a catch phrase...

Method is being developed from notes that follow with other study & works & will be incorporated into ARTIVIST : creative mode of operation, much like the work with the Nash Equilibrium & other ARTIVIST : concept & method.

>>> more to follow... <<< Wikipedia

    "actions speak louder than words..."

    The Italian revolutionary Pisacane is considered an early proponent of propaganda of the deed, arguing that "ideas spring from deeds and not the other way around... The use of the bayonet in Milan has produced a more effective propaganda than a thousand books." During the historical period known as Risorgimento, Pisacane represented the extreme left, and as a follower of French philosopher Pierre-Joseph Proudhon introduced Anarchism in Italy. His essays, titled Saggi and Testamento Politico, were published posthumously in France.


    For ARTIVIST : creative there is a process involved with the entire concept of 'propaganda of the deed' that considers:

    • to act & develop upon action requires thought & preparation of resources;
    • to maintain impact & allow the deed to evolve;
    • identification & establishment of 'cells' or groups that can operate with autonomy but with some defined organisation - fan groups.



    Mutualism is an anarchist school of thought that originates in the writings of Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, who envisioned a society where each person might possess a means of production, either individually or collectively, with trade representing equivalent amounts of labor in the free market.   Integral to the scheme was the establishment of a mutual-credit bankthat would lend to producers at a minimal interest rate, just highenough to cover administration.  Mutualism is based on a labor theory of value that holds that when labor or its product is sold, in exchange, itought to receive goods or services embodying "the amount of labornecessary to produce an article of exactly similar and equal utility".  

      Mutualist economics

      The major tenets of mutualism are free association,  mutualist credit, contract (or federation/confederation), andgradualism (or dual-power). Mutualism is often described by itsproponents as advocating an "anti-capitalist free market".

      Contemporary mutualist author Kevin Carson holds that capitalism has been founded on "an act of robbery as massive as feudalism," andargues that capitalism could not exist in the absence of a state. Hesays it is state intervention that distinguishes capitalism from thefree market". He does not define capitalism in the idealized sense, but says thatwhen he talks about "capitalism" he is referring to what he calls "actually existing capitalism."  He believes the term "laissez-faire capitalism" is an oxymoron becausecapitalism, he argues, is "organization of society, incorporatingelements of tax, usury, landlordism, and tariff, which thus denies theFree Market while pretending to exemplify it". However, he says he hasno quarrel with anarcho-capitalists who use the term "laissez-fairecapitalism" and distinguish it from "actually existing capitalism." Hesays he has deliberately chosen to resurrect an old definition of theterm. Carson argues the centralization of wealth into a class hierarchy is due to state intervention to protect the ruling class, by using a money monopoly, granting patents and subsidies to corporations, imposing discriminatory taxation, and intervening militarily to gain access to international markets. Carson’s thesis is that an authentic free market economy would not be capitalism as the separation of labor from ownership andthe subordination of labor to capital would be impossible, bringing aclass-less society where people could easily choose between working as afreelancer, working for a fair wage, taking part of a cooperative, orbeing an entrepreneur. He notes, as did Tucker before him, that amutualist free market system would involve significantly differentproperty rights than capitalism is based on, particularly in terms ofland and intellectual property.

      Free Association

      Mutualists argue that association is only necessary where there is anorganic combination of forces. For instance, an operation that requiresspecialization and many different workers performing their individualtasks to complete a unified product, i.e., a factory. In this situation,  workers are inherently dependent on each other –  and withoutassociation they are related as subordinate and superior, master andwage-slave.

      An operation that can be performed by an individual without the help of specialized workers does not require association. Proudhon argued that peasants do not requiresocietal form, and only feigned association for the purposes ofsolidarity in abolishing rents, buying clubs, etc. He recognized thattheir work is inherently sovereign and free. In commenting on the degreeof association that is preferable Proudhon said:

      "In cases in which production requires great division of labour,  it is necessary to form an ASSOCIATION among the workers... becausewithout that they would remain isolated as subordinates and superiors,  and there would ensue two industrial castes of masters and wage workers,  which is repugnant in a free and democratic society. But where theproduct can be obtained by the action of an individual or a family...  there is no opportunity for association."  

      For Proudhon, mutualism involved creating "industrial democracy," a system where workplaces would be "handedover to democratically organised workers' associations . . . We wantthese associations to be models for agriculture, industry and trade, thepioneering core of that vast federation of companies and societieswoven into the common cloth of the democratic social Republic." He urged "workersto form themselves into democratic societies, with equal conditions forall members, on pain of a relapse into feudalism." This would result in "Capitalistic and proprietary exploitation, stopped everywhere, the wage system abolished, equal and just exchange guaranteed."   Workers would no longer sell their labour to a capitalist but rather work for themselves in co-operatives.

      As Robert Graham notes, "Proudhon's market socialism is indissolubly linked to his notions of industry democracy and workers' self-management." K. Steven Vincent notes in his in-depth analysis of this aspect of Proudhon's ideas that "Proudhonconsistently advanced a program of industrial democracy which wouldreturn control and direction of the economy to the workers." For Proudhon, "...strongworkers' associations . . . would enable the workers to determinejointly by election how the enterprise was to be directed and operatedon a day-to-day basis."

      Mutual Credit

      Mutualists argue that free banking should be taken back by the people to establish systems of free credit.  They contend that banks have a monopoly on credit, just as capitalistshave a monopoly on land. Banks are essentially creating money by lendingout deposits that do not actually belong to them, then charginginterest on the difference. Mutualists argue that by establishing ademocratically run mutual bank or credit union,  it would be possible to issue free credit so that money could becreated for the benefit of the participants rather than for the benefitof the bankers. Individualist anarchists noted for their detailed viewson mutualist banking include Proudhon, William B. Greene, and Lysander Spooner.

      Some modern forms of mutual credit are LETS and the Ripple monetary system project.

      In a session of the French legislature, Proudhon proposed a government-imposed income tax to fund his mutual banking scheme, with some tax brackets reaching as high as 33⅓ percent and 50 percent, which was turned down by the legislature. This income tax Proudhon proposed to fund his bank was to be levied on rents, interest, debts, and salaries. Specifically, Proudhon's proposed law would have required allcapitalists and stockholders to disburse one sixth of their income totheir tenants and debtors, and another sixth to the national treasury tofund the bank. This scheme was vehemently objected to by others in the legislature, including Frédéric Bastiat; the reason given for the income tax's rejection was that it wouldresult in economic ruin and that it violated "the right of property." In his debates with Bastiat, Proudhon did once propose funding a national bank with a voluntary tax of 1%. Proudhon also argued for the abolition of all taxes.

      Contract & Federation

      Mutualism holds that producers should exchange their goods atcost-value using systems of "contract." While Proudhon's earlydefinitions of cost-value were based on fixed assumptions about thevalue of labor-hours, he later redefined cost-value to include otherfactors such as the intensity of labor, the nature of the work involved,  etc. He also expanded his notions of "contract" into expanded notionsof "federation." As Proudhon argued,

      “"I have shownthe contractor, at the birth of industry, negotiating on equal termswith his comrades, who have since become his workmen. It is plain, infact, that this original equality was bound to disappear through theadvantageous position of the master and the dependent position of thewage-workers. In vain does the law assure the right of each toenterprise . . . When an establishment has had leisure to developitself, enlarge its foundations, ballast itself with capital, and assureitself a body of patrons, what can a workman do against a power sosuperior?"”

      Gradualism & dual-power

      Beneath the governmental machinery, in the shadow of politicalinstitutions, out of the sight of statemen and priests, society isproducing its own organism, slowly and silently; and constructing a neworder, the expression of its vitality and autonomy...

      Proudhon noted that the shock of the French Revolution failed the people, and was instead interested in a federation of workercooperations that could use mutualist credit to gradually expand andtake control of industry. This is similar to economic models based onworker cooperatives today, such as the Mondragón Cooperative Corporation in Spain and NoBAWC in San Francisco.


      Clandestine Cell Systems

      The operational cells need to have continuous internal communication; there is a commander, who may be in touch with infrastructure cells or, less likely from a security standpoint with the core group.
      Al-Qaeda's approach, which even differs from that of earlier covert paramilitary organizations, may be very viable for their goals:

      • Cells are redundant and distributed, making them difficult to ‘roll up’;
      • Cells are coordinated, not under "command & control"—this autonomy and local control makes them flexible, and enhances security;
      • Trust and comcon internally to the cell provide redundancy of potential command (a failure of Palestinian operations in the past), and well as a shared knowledgebase (which may mean, over time, that ‘cross training’ emerges inside a cell, providing redundancy of most critical skills and knowledge).